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Jewish World Review / August 19, 1998 / 27 Menachem-Av, 5758
 
Paul Greenberg
 
 
  
  "Finally, and sadly, there is the
 unavoidable subject of character in a presidential
 candidate.... But it is not the duplicitousness in his politics that
 concerns so much as the polished ease, the almost habitual,
 casual, articulate way he bobs and weaves. He has mastered
 the art of equivocation. There is something almost inhuman
 in his smoother responses that sends a shiver up the spine. It is
 not the compromises he has made that trouble so much as
 the unavoidable suspicion that he has no great principles to
 compromise.'' -- Arkansas Democrat-Gazette, October 28,
 1992.
 
 Having consulted their reliable sources and tarot cards, the
 punditry had decided what Bill Clinton would do even before
 he testified to the grand jury. It was the  same thing that anyone who has followed this president's
 agonizingly long career would have predicted: another
 extended equivocation, another series of clinton clauses,
 another hemi-semi-demi-quasi-explanation. In short, another
 apology that really isn't. 
 
 Most of the folks who cover Bill Clinton eventually reach a
 moment of truth. There comes a time -- it's usually definite
 and memorable -- when they stop giving him the benefit of
 the mounting doubt, when they just give up on him, and vow
 that they'll never be suckered again. The difference between a
 Clinton critic and a Clinton apologist is that the apologist
 hasn't had his moment of truth yet. A few never will. 
 
 It might be noted that some of the types now writing most
 skeptically, even scathingly, about this president produced
 some of the most favorable news coverage he ever got back
 in the presidential campaign of '92, before their own
 inevitable moment of truth struck. People hate to be fooled. 
 
 My own moment of truth came
 in the fall of '91, when the governor and presidential
 candidate casually, smoothly noted that of course he had
 favored George Bush's request for war powers in the Persian
 Gulf earlier that year. I was shaken. That wasn't the way I
 remembered it at all, or the way I'd been reporting it for
 months. I asked him if he was sure about that, and he looked
 at me in the calmest way and said of course he had supported
 the president. 
 
 Of course he hadn't. But he was so convincing, I rushed back
 to the office to check the clips, fearing I'd been mistaken.
 Actually, he had opposed the president/might have
 theoretically supported the president/generally waffled on the
 whole issue. That way, he could claim to have been right
 however the war turned out. And that's when he tore it with
 me.
 
 Once again, now that this president has testified and the leaks
 have begun, a few more eyes will open -- as they did after
 Gennifer Flowers, or after his letter to Colonel Holmes
 revealing just how he'd escaped the draft, or after his
 abandonment of Bosnia, or after his sellout to Beijing, or after
 the various gates broke -- from Travel to File -- or after
 whatever your own moment of truth was. Or maybe yours is
 still to come. 
 
 And it almost surely will -- as it does in every other Southern
 novel. Not for the first time in these latitudes, mere history
 imitates great literature. One can never know just when that
 will happen, only that it will. And the familiar story of power
 and corruption, ambition and fall, honor and dishonor, will
 unroll once again. As it did for Jack Burden, the young
 reporter turned jaded hack in Robert Penn Warren's
 definitive study of Southern politics and life, All the King's
 Men. 
 
 There is no joy in that moment of truth, only a sense that the
 hunter has been as cheapened by the pursuit as the hunted.
 Which is how Kenneth Starr may feel now. To quote Jack
 Burden in his moment of triumph, when he never felt lower:
 "So I had it after all these months. For nothing is lost,
 nothing is ever lost. There is always the clue, the canceled
 check, the smear of lipstick, the footprint in the canna bed,
 the condom on the park path ....'' The stained dress? The
 appointment book? The book of poems? The single, forgotten
 detail that shines through the lie like a policeman's flashlight
 into a parked car. There are no surprises here, only
 inevitabilities. The truth does have this way of outing. 
 
 Most of us, like the president himself, just want to get past this
 thing, shrug it off, put it behind us, and get on with the
 national life. But that, too, is an illusion, however popular at
 the moment. One event flows from another. As one good
 deed produces another, one sin leads to another, one scandal
 to the next. That's why character cannot be separated from
 competence. 
 
 The president's remarkable ability to compartmentalize
 scandal, to seal it off, is not a strength, much as it might
 appear to be. In the end it is a weakness. It is the symptom of
 an unintegrated conscience when some things have to be
 walled off -- like Bluebeard's closet. Someday somebody is
 bound to open the door. If it hadn't been L'affaire Lewinsky, it
 would have been -- it may still be -- something else.
 Researchers yet unborn will pore over the dusty archives
 some day and find it. Character is also destiny. 
 
 I do have this ridiculous fantasy from time to time in which
 Bill Clinton not only testifies "completely and truthfully''
 before the grand jury, but astounds the American people with
 a brief public statement: 
 
 "My fellow citizens: The first president to live in this house
 from where I now address you prayed that none but the
 honest and wise would rule under its roof. I am aware that
 other presidents have failed to live up to that standard, but
 that does not excuse my conduct. I have reached the
 conclusion that nothing would become me in office like my
 leaving it. Therefore I am submitting my resignation as soon as
 I have assured an orderly transition. Let no enemy of the
 United States or of freedom anywhere take any comfort in
 my decision; it is not a sign of weakness but of moral strength.
 I now have done the honorable, straightforward, clean thing;
 the rest I leave to the courts, to you the people, and to my
 God. May he always bless America. As for me, I am free, free
 at last.'' 
 
 Fatted calves would be slain all over this land. All would
 welcome the prodigal, home at last. For who would not
 embrace and forgive him? Then his prayer would not be
 without sacrifice, his repentance without atonement. Our
 long national distraction would be over at last. 
 
 A silly daydream, I know. All those years of Clinton-watching
 argue against any such fancies. Why should this Clinton
 Scandal be different from any other? He got out of those
 scrapes, didn't he? Why change tactics now? Who of us ever
 learned not to climb Fool's Hill until we fell off? 
 
 Political viability long ago became this president's chief, if not
 sole, object. And it is a jealous god that will tolerate no others.
 America may have to mark time for a few more years before
 awakening -- as it awakened after Nixon and after Harding.
 And greatness will beckon again. 
 
 I wish it beckoned now. Instead, mediocrity does. And
 forgetfulness. We long for business as usual. A respect for
 certain human bonds -- truth, honor, the majesty of the law --
 seems too much trouble for most of us just now. Me, I wish
 for a renascence of guilt, of shame, of forgiveness and
 therefore of human progress -- the real thing and not the slick
 substitute for it, the cheap grace that has been marketed so
 successfully in this clintonized culture. 
 
 Though the old greatness tarry, I know it will come again.
 Americans can take this sort of thing for the longest time, but
 eventually we get bored by recurrent sleaze. It becomes too
 predictable. We may choose greatness just for the sake of
 change. For we love adventure. 
  
 
 
 
 
 
Little Rock perspectives
 (Paul Greenberg isthe Pulitzer Prize-winning editorial page 
 editor of the Arkansas Democrat-Gazette and coiner of the moniker "Slick Willy." A collection of his
 writings about the Clintons titled   No Surprises   was
 published in 1996.) 
 

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