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Jewish World Review / May 28, 1998 / 3 Sivan, 5758
William Pfaff
So far, so successful for Blair
LONDON -- The Group of Eight meetings of the leading
industrial nations, now including Russia, were invented by
then-French President Valery Giscard d'Estaing in the 1970s for informal discussion
and coordination of economic policy.
In the years which followed they were turned into bloated
demonstrations of national ego by the host countries, each
attempting to outdo the others in sumptuous and vain display.
That now seems to have worn itself out, and the latest
meeting in mid-May, with British Prime Minister Tony Blair as
host, was officially held in the old industrial city of
Birmingham, although the leaders beat retreat to a stately
home. The affair produced only disagreements on forgiving
more Third World debt and on sanctioning India's nuclear
tests.
At the meeting Mr. Blair again displayed a determination to
position himself in public appearances as Bill Clinton's best
friend -- as Robin to Mr. Clinton's Batman, to put it cruelly.
This annoyed some of his fellow Europeans, since the British
prime minister currently holds the presidency of the European
Council.
Mr. Blair is often criticized in the U.K. for his emulation of
Mr. Clinton's manner of campaigning and governing. His most
acerbic critics -- usually people who voted for him -- say that
he has abandoned principle for mendacious but electorally
advantageous show, acting only as focus groups and pollsters
advise him to act, while retreating from the promises on
which he was elected last year.
Yet Mr. Blair does not seem a politician without conscience or
principle. His commitment at university to Christian
Socialism, and his successful efforts to reconstruct a serious
political movement from the ruins of the old Labour Party in
Britain, seem evidence of principled if pragmatic ambition.
He is also more popular than any prime minister of this
century has been after a year in office: he obviously has
learned something from Mr. Clinton. His critics argue that he
has been learning the wrong things.
Since coming to office he has presented himself to leaders
abroad as representative of a modern socialism which has left
Marxism and class struggle behind, and will reform those
welfare policies of the 1950s and 1960s which cultivated a
psychology of dependence in Britain.
``New Labour'' socialism maintains much of the
market-dominated economic policy, monetary austerity, and
pro-business tilt of the Conservative governments which
preceded it. Mr. Blair cultivates the approval of Rupert
Murdoch, the well-known American immigrant who owns
The Times in London and the two most down-market of
London's tabloid newspapers. The latter are superstitiously
believed to possess the evil eye which decides British national
elections (although Labour in the 1950s and 1960s won
elections despite right-wing tabloid opposition).
Can New Labour's successes in Britain influence continental
European attempts to deal with the economic stagnation and
high unemployment of recent years? That will depend on its
practical achievement, which after only one year is not
proven. It will also have to overcome the barriers of national
tradition and assumption.
Britain, for example, has since January unflinchingly allowed
Rolls Royce cars to be bought by Germans, Christie's auction
house to go to France, Cunard Lines and the liner QE2 to
Scandinavia. Jaguar, Aston Martin, and Lotus cars already are
in American hands; Rover belongs to BMW; the Savoy Hotels
and Savoy Grill to Americans; Harrods to an Egyptian; and
nearly all of the great British merchant banks now are
foreign-owned.
Possibly this shows steely investment judgment -- a British
willingness to sell to foreigners at the top of the market, in the
confidence that these assets can be bought back at the
bottom. But it is inconceivable that this could happen in
Germany, France, or Italy, with Fiat, Aerospatiale, or
Daimler-Benz sold to foreign interests.
Mr. Blair's indifference -- and that of British opinion generally
-- to the loss of what Europeans would consider Britain's
industrial patrimony contrasts with his promotion of what (to
his regret) has come to be known as ``Cool Britannia,'' which
seems to mean rock music, fashion, design, and the club
scene in London, deemed the coolest in the world.
The forthcoming ``millennium experience'' promoted by the
Blair government, a $1.23 billion temporary pleasure dome
to be erected in Greenwich, where Greenwich Mean Time
comes from and where the new millennium will begin, is
planned as a demonstration of New Labour cool.
What will go into it no one knows. One British writer speaks
of ``a desperate urge to fill this stunning space with meaning
but (with) no idea what that meaning might be.'' The display
will almost certainly have nothing to do with Christianity
(which Mr. Blair professes), the anniversary of whose
founder's existence the millennium marks, nor with the
history of Western civilization, whose calendar this is.
The man in charge of the ``millennium experience'' has gone
to Disneyland in search of inspiration. That has been taken as
saying something, probably too much, about New Labour.
Nonetheless Mr. Blair has a peace program for Northern
Ireland spectacularly launched, with a Scottish parliament to
come, and devolution of power elsewhere. Social policy is
being reformed. The economy, for the present, is in good
condition. Most important for him, his government has four
years to go before it faces the
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