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Jewish World Review April 11, 2002 / 30 Nisan 5762
Philip Terzian
In just four months the British -- assisted by German, French, Austrian,
Italian and Swedish forces -- have transformed Kabul from a dangerous
no-man's-land into something resembling a capital city. Whereas the cold
January nights were punctuated by the sounds of mortar fire and small-arms
duels, you are now six times more likely to be murdered here in Washington
than in springtime Kabul. For that, of course, we may thank the interim
Afghan government which, precarious though it may be, has striven to reunite
its fractious society. But principal credit goes to the British who, with 33
years' recent experience in Northern Ireland, know as much about keeping the
peace as making war.
The transition to the Turkish army, which was supposed to occur this
month, has been delayed by the Turkish government of Prime Minister Bulent
Ecevit, which has raised objections to the cost of the International
Security Assistance Force (ISAF). But according to the Times story, soldiers
on the ground would be content if the delay were indefinite. Speaking to
officers and noncoms from the various armies, Mr. Bushell paints a
persuasive picture of cultural clash. Everyone agrees that the Turks are
great fighters, but there is a difference between annihilating your
adversary and keeping the peace among disparate factions.
A recent inspection tour of ISAF by a group of Turkish generals merely
emphasized the fact. Instead of inquiring about the fine points of military
diplomacy, or taking the trouble to learn the differences among factions and
parties, the Turks seemed mainly interested in setting up shop as an army of
occupation, and keeping their jeeps neatly polished by enlisted men. The
comments are chilling: The Turks are "in way over their heads," says one
British colonel. "I just hope I'm gone before the Turks arrive," says an
Austrian officer. "It will be a different world."
Translation: Instead of defusing incidents, or disarming potential
troublemakers, the Turks are likely to aggravate situations and open fire at
the first signs of discord. As more than one European officer noted, such
attitudes may serve them well in suppressing Turkey's Kurdish minority, or
sustaining its brutal occupation of northern Cyprus, but it could have
disastrous effects on the war against terrorism. It is not hard to see a
Turkish massacre or two reigniting the Afghan civil war; and given the
Turkish army's close ties to Israel, such a catastrophe would further
inflame the Arab world at a moment when the Bush administration is proposing
action against Saddam Hussein.
It also illustrates a problem, and opportunity, for American
policymakers. Cyprus is on the verge of accession to the European Union, a
feat which Turkey would like to emulate. The problem, of course, is that
Turkey has illegally occupied the northern half of that island nation since
1974, and has even threatened to annex the self-styled Turkish Republic of
Northern Cyprus when the (democratic, genuine) Republic of Cyprus joins the
EU, probably next year. Annexation probably won't happen, but the mere fact
of Turkish intransigence on the question is yet another example of Ankara's
failure to grasp what it means to be part of Europe.
The European Union has been admirably firm: Turkey is welcome to apply
for membership in the EU, but only after withdrawal from Cyprus and basic
reforms in its authoritarian style of government, which is unofficially run
by the army. Despite Turkey's membership in NATO, and close ties to Israel
and the Pentagon, the European Union has stood on principle in the matter,
as it should. But it is not for nothing that those European officers cite
Turkey's occupation of Cyprus, and treatment of its Kurdish minority at
home, as evidence that the Turkish army is not quite ready for prime time in
Kabul.
This is one instance where the Bush administration could make a genuine
difference. In the midst of the war against terrorism, and the
Israeli-Palestinian explosion, Cyprus is not high on the list of priorities
in Washington. But if American policymakers are determined to orient Turkey
toward the West, substantial progress could be made if Washington put
pressure on Ankara to do the right thing in Cyprus. If Turkey wants to be
part of Europe, it has to adhere to European standards of national behavior.
That applies to keeping the peace in neighboring Afghanistan, ending the
tragic division of an independent Cyprus -- and who knows? even facing the
truth about the Armenian
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