Jewish World Review Oct. 10, 2003 / 14 Tishrei, 5764

Jim Hoagland

JWR's Pundits
World Editorial
Cartoon Showcase

Mallard Fillmore

Michael Barone
Mona Charen
Linda Chavez
Ann Coulter
Greg Crosby
Larry Elder
Don Feder
Suzanne Fields
James Glassman
Paul Greenberg
Bob Greene
Betsy Hart
Nat Hentoff
David Horowitz
Marianne Jennings
Michael Kelly
Mort Kondracke
Ch. Krauthammer
Lawrence Kudlow
Dr. Laura
John Leo
Michelle Malkin
Jackie Mason
Chris Matthews
Michael Medved
Kathleen Parker
Wes Pruden
Sam Schulman
Amity Shlaes
Roger Simon
Tony Snow
Thomas Sowell
Cal Thomas
Jonathan S. Tobin
Ben Wattenberg
George Will
Bruce Williams
Walter Williams
Mort Zuckerman

Consumer Reports

Europe vs. Bush | KRONBERG, Germany — Say this for European critics of President Bush's invasion of Iraq: Shocked and awed they are not.

The guerrilla campaign in Iraq's Sunni Triangle is spawning political insurgencies in the United States and abroad. Many of those who lost the long, contentious debate about going to war have shifted to small-scale harrying actions aimed at crippling a presidential behemoth over time.

The steady attacks on American troops and growing challenges to Bush at home have encouraged many of the war's critics abroad to conclude that they can outlast the Bush administration's emphasis on military preemption and perhaps the administration itself.

Bush should be under no illusion: As things stand now, he will not receive the benefit of the doubt that incumbent presidents seeking reelection are usually given by foreign governments and publics, which are generally reluctant to see "the devil they know" replaced by a devil they don't know.

Talk to German, French, British and Russian think-tank experts and officials under London's Chatham House rules — the speaker can't be identified by name — and the sense you get is that many Europeans are waiting for the Americans to give up on Iraq and come back to their senses, so U.S.-European relations can get back to the intimacy of Cold War days.

"The main lesson to be learned from the Iraq war is to be learned in Washington: You have to plan and cooperate with others under established rules," says a German academic. His country's strong and understandable Cold War fear of being left alone is alive and well.

But waiting for Cold War attitudes to return is a futile wish, not a strategy for improving transatlantic relations, which are now outwardly more polite but still full of unresolved conflict over Bush's war on terrorism. Europe's major countries cannot afford to be that uncreative, and that unengaged, in Iraq.

Donate to JWR

Here the blame for friction in U.S.-European relations and at the United Nations is focused narrowly on Bush, Vice President Cheney and the administration's doctrine of preemption. This gives foreign leaders and publics that hold that view every incentive to work to defeat Bush and to aid, indirectly at least, his Democratic challenger in 2004.

To be effective, such political opposition from abroad will have to be subliminal and deniable. The all-out prewar battles at the United Nations will not be repeated. Instead, there will be subtle campaigns of political attrition. This is of more than academic interest to Bush: Not since Jimmy Carter headed to defeat in 1980 has a president triggered such an intense backlash within countries that consider themselves important U.S. allies.

The recent skirmishing around a new Security Council resolution on the occupation of Iraq contains elements of the emerging attrition strategy that Bush aides need to counter.

Surprisingly enough, the impetus for the resolution came from the Pentagon, which wanted to avoid the politically painful decision of having to call up fresh reserves units this autumn to maintain U.S. force levels in Iraq. Quick passage of the draft resolution circulated last month by Secretary of State Colin L. Powell might have led to the creation of a multinational division for Iraq and avoided a new reserves call-up.

This is how attrition works: France and Russia promised not to veto the resolution, but then made it difficult for Powell to secure support. Germany, struggling to get back in Bush's good graces while maintaining its new alliance with France, was carefully unsupportive. And in a rare act of public advocacy, U.N. Secretary General Kofi Annan criticized Powell's effort, rather than acknowledge that his traumatized staff is reluctant to work in Iraq, where the United Nations is still distrusted by many for its past involvement in sanctions, weapons inspections and other programs.

The message from Annan's demoralized staff to the Bush administration was summed up by a senior U.N. official speaking to the Financial Times: "We wish you well, we hope you succeed, but we want to maintain our own integrity in case you don't." In other words, abandon ship.

Not surprisingly, the resolution did not gain traction in this atmosphere. In late September the Pentagon had to go ahead with the reserves call-up. The Pentagon then lost interest in the new resolution, which could yet attract reconstruction aid at an Oct. 23 donors' conference in Madrid.

The Bush administration needs to fashion a nimble strategy of engagement to surmount the insurgencies it faces inside and outside Iraq. Its recent rejoining of UNESCO is an example of what it needs to do on a broader scale. Reestablishing allied unity and international cooperation will help the United States succeed in Iraq sooner rather than later.

Both the Bush administration, which has been overly dismissive of other nations, and its guerrilla critics need to remember Rule One of crisis behavior: When you are in a hole, stop digging.

Every weekday publishes what many in Washington and in the media consider "must reading." Sign up for the daily JWR update. It's free. Just click here.

Comment by clicking here.

109/02/03: The need to focus on Iraq
09/25/03: Two world leaders passing in the night
09/22/03: Bremer's Tug of War
09/18/03: Can anything change The Saudi Syndrome?
09/15/03: Giving Iraqis a Stake
09/11/03: What's going right
09/08/03: 007 on Trial
08/25/03: In Iraq, Merchandising Mass Destruction
08/18/03: Doing democracy right
08/13/03: Israel's Red Flag on Iran
08/11/03: The Devil You Know
08/07/03: Saving The Saudi Connection
08/04/03: The Arab Stake in America's Success
07/28/03: The Kurdish Example
07/25/03: A Baghdad 'Roots' Story
07/21/03: Wolfowitz of Arabia?
07/18/03: Linking Liberia And Iraq
07/14/03: Why do they hate them?
07/09/03: In Africa, it pays to think small
07/07/03: Cherchez de Gaulle --- but not in France
07/03/03: If Bush asks, who will help?
06/30/03: Fool's gold in Pakistan
06/23/03: Waking up to Europe's uncertain future
06/19/03: Fusing force with diplomacy
06/16/03: All too prepared for the real world
06/12/03: The Limits Of Saudi Openness
06/09/03: Energized on Foreign Policy
06/02/03: Clarity: The Best Weapon
05/27/03: Talk plus muscle on North Korea
05/22/03: The war isn't over
05/19/03: Europe on its own
05/14/03: Globalization's evil offspring
05/12/03: No time for mixed messages
05/05/03: The case for patience on North Korea
04/30/03: Eroding Principles
04/28/03: Wars tailor made
04/25/03: De-Baathification, root and branch
04/21/03: Victims of civic passivity
04/14/03: Three miscreants
04/11/03: Saddam's final mistake

© 2003, WPWG