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New facility, old politics: the DCJCC's blacklist dishonorees
As the new DCJCC celebrates the victims of the blacklist, it is worth remembering that their experience of injustice still doesn't justify them
By Evan Gahr
The newly-renovated District of Columbia Jewish Community Center boasts a
state-of-the-art health club and shiny new facilities.
Nevertheless, the DCJCC, in at least one key respect, remains firmly rooted
in the past. Its Hollywood blacklist exhibit seems straight from the 1960s
and 1970s -- when folks still depicted Stalinist playwright Lillian Hellman as a
civil libertarian and Communist Party USA members were routinely portrayed as
simply naive do-gooders.
That line should be a mighty tough sell now that the recently-released VENONA
intercepts (Soviet wartime cables) establish the American Communist Party's
role as the linchpin of a Russian spy network here. That revelation, of
course, directly contradicts the notion that Communist Party members were
simply idealists or "liberals in a hurry."
Who could peddle such stuff today? Sadly, the DCJCC -- with a little financial
help, ironically enough, from Uncle Sam. The exhibt, which blows one huge
kiss to the 10 writers, producers and directors named as Communists by
"friendly witnesses'' before the House Un-American Activities Committee in
1947, is funded by the NEA-subsidized DC Commission on the Arts and
Humanities.
Senators weighing the recently-announced nomination of William Ivey to head
the NEA might want to inquire if he thinks that glorifying communists and
essentially re-writing the historical record is an appropriate use of taxpayer
dollars.
Moreover, the exhibit is just part of the DCJCC's multi-media celebration of
the Hollywood 10 and other blacklisted writers that continues through February
12. In tribute to Hollywood 10 member Paul Jarrico, a longtime communist, the
DCJCC on January 28 will screen his notorious 1954 film Salt of the Earth.
Although you wouldn't know it from the DCJCC's official program, a Stalinist
trade union financed the film. Details, details.
In an exhibit with placards that abound with references to the Red Scare,
the Communist Party membership of the Hollywood 10 is virtually ignored,
meriting just one brief mention out of approximately 3,400 words devoted to the
blacklist's "history." That's too bad: it's one thing to argue that calling
the Hollywood 10 before HUAC to answer questions regarding political beliefs
and affiliations raised serious constitutional questions. But there's no
reason why this bunch of scoundrels should be elevated to the ranks of bona
fide Jewish heroes.
As Larry Ceplair and Steven Englund write in The Inquisition in Hollywood
almost all the Hollywood Communists "defended the Stalinist regime, accepted
the Comintern's policies and about-faces and criticized enemies and allies
alike with infuriating self-righteousness."
Yet folks who visit the exhibit get a different portrait: noble idealists,
victimized by Red Scare, defend First Amendment before HUAC, their lives
ruined.
They were swept up in the "suspicions, paranoia and national fear of
Communism" and "eventually called before HUAC." The "confrontation
between the Committee and the Hollywood Ten resulted in one of the most
dramatic struggles over free speech and patriotism that this country has ever
witnessed."
Who was struggling on behalf of free speech? The exhibit notes that the
Hollywood 10 refused to answer questions on First Amendment grounds and quotes
extensively their odes to civil liberties. But their Communist Party
activities and loyalties get short shrift: "each of the Hollywood Ten was a
member of the Communist Party at some point or another, with varying degrees
of participation.'' That's it.
There's plenty of space to cite director Herbert Biberman's warning that HUAC
threatened the American "constitutional way of life'' But no explanation
that, far from an ACLUnik who had simply dabbled in Communist causes during
his youth, he remained an unrepentant Communist long after the hearings. And
director John Howard Lawson is mentioned only in the context of his refusal to
answer questions on First Amendment grounds. A regular Nat Hentoff? Not
exactly: Lawson functioned as a virtual Communist Party commisar in
Hollywood --"reaming out" members for transgressions, domestic communism
expert Harvey Klehr said in a telephone interview.
By failing to give detailed information regarding their Communist Party
activities, the exhibit plays into the Hollywood 10's faux civil-libertarian
pose.
As historian Ronald Radosh notes in the December 1997 New Criterion, the
Hollywood 10 insisted "upon hiding their true political beliefs before HUAC."
Instead they offered the spurious claim that "their main goal was simply to
defend the right of any American to his private political views."
None of this is new, of course. But it doesn't seem to have made its way to
the DCJCC's exhibit. Perhaps the kid glove treatment accorded the Hollywood
10, as well as other blacklisted writers, most of whom were also communists,
shouldn't surprise. Consider the hard-left luminaries who worked on the
exhibit. They include Marcus Raskin of the Institute for Policy Studies, a
left-wing group which regarded America as the evil empire during the Cold War.
Raskin and a fellow IPSer, Richard Barnet, have even argued in their book An
American Manifesto that "there is a chance for peace and social justice in
America only if her people are liberated from the dead hand of
authoritarianism.''
Another contributor: Nation publisher Victor Navasky, author of Naming
Names, an affectionate account of the blacklisted artists. Navasky says he
consulted with the exhibit's curator Alison Clarick Gottsegen but hasn't
seen the exhibit. He would undoubtedly be pleased.
Moreoever, the context for the Red Scare, namely the Soviet Union's crimes
and expansionist policies is omitted. Why? "We had limited space,'' explains
curator Alison Clarick Gottsegen. "We're just telling the basic story. Just
the basics.''
Ultimately, however the exhibit seems mired in another era. Moreover, the
idea that the DCJCC would mount such an exhibit today seems quite remarkable.
It's 1997, not 1977.
If you believe the exhibit's facile line, visitors are given a glimpse into
the nation's past: the 1950s when a Red Scare gripped Washington, and yada,
yada yada. The real glimpse into the past that the exhibit provides, however,
is the 1970s -- when rank ignorance combined with willful and self-serving
distortions passed for conventional wisdom among the media and cultural elite
regarding communism.
Ultimately, however, an exhibit that purports to educate simply rehabilitates
tired canards. Scoundrels are treated as heroes; the historical record re-
written and the Soviet Union's record expunged. The end result is a profound
disservice to the community the DCJCC is meant to serve.
The DCJCC, of course, re-opened January 1997 in the same building it had moved
from nearly 30 years ago. And here in Washington, aging lefties who haven't
been inside the DCJCC since before it closed in 1968 will be delighted to
find that very little has changed.
Evan Gahr writes on education and culture for The American Enterprise magazine.
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