In this issue
April 9, 2014

Jonathan Tobin: Why Did Kerry Lie About Israeli Blame?

Samuel G. Freedman: A resolution 70 years later for a father's unsettling legacy of ashes from Dachau

Jessica Ivins: A resolution 70 years later for a father's unsettling legacy of ashes from Dachau

Kim Giles: Asking for help is not weakness

Kathy Kristof and Barbara Hoch Marcus: 7 Great Growth Israeli Stocks

Matthew Mientka: How Beans, Peas, And Chickpeas Cleanse Bad Cholesterol and Lowers Risk of Heart Disease

Sabrina Bachai: 5 At-Home Treatments For Headaches

The Kosher Gourmet by Daniel Neman Have yourself a matzo ball: The secrets bubby never told you and recipes she could have never imagined

April 8, 2014

Lori Nawyn: At Your Wit's End and Back: Finding Peace

Susan B. Garland and Rachel L. Sheedy: Strategies Married Couples Can Use to Boost Benefits

David Muhlbaum: Smart Tax Deductions Non-Itemizers Can Claim

Jill Weisenberger, M.S., R.D.N., C.D.E : Before You Lose Your Mental Edge

Dana Dovey: Coffee Drinkers Rejoice! Your Cup Of Joe Can Prevent Death From Liver Disease

Chris Weller: Electric 'Thinking Cap' Puts Your Brain Power Into High Gear

The Kosher Gourmet by Marlene Parrish A gift of hazelnuts keeps giving --- for a variety of nutty recipes: Entree, side, soup, dessert

April 4, 2014

Rabbi David Gutterman: The Word for Nothing Means Everything

Charles Krauthammer: Kerry's folly, Chapter 3

Amy Peterson: A life of love: How to build lasting relationships with your children

John Ericson: Older Women: Save Your Heart, Prevent Stroke Don't Drink Diet

John Ericson: Why 50 million Americans will still have spring allergies after taking meds

Cameron Huddleston: Best and Worst Buys of April 2014

Stacy Rapacon: Great Mutual Funds for Young Investors

Sarah Boesveld: Teacher keeps promise to mail thousands of former students letters written by their past selves

The Kosher Gourmet by Sharon Thompson Anyone can make a salad, you say. But can they make a great salad? (SECRETS, TESTED TECHNIQUES + 4 RECIPES, INCLUDING DRESSINGS)

April 2, 2014

Paul Greenberg: Death and joy in the spring

Dan Barry: Should South Carolina Jews be forced to maintain this chimney built by Germans serving the Nazis?

Mayra Bitsko: Save me! An alien took over my child's personality

Frank Clayton: Get happy: 20 scientifically proven happiness activities

Susan Scutti: It's Genetic! Obesity and the 'Carb Breakdown' Gene

Lecia Bushak: Why Hand Sanitizer May Actually Harm Your Health

Stacy Rapacon: Great Funds You Can Own for $500 or Less

Cameron Huddleston: 7 Ways to Save on Home Decor

The Kosher Gourmet by Steve Petusevsky Exploring ingredients as edible-stuffed containers (TWO RECIPES + TIPS & TECHINQUES)

Jewish World Review Jan. 18, 2007 / 28 Teves 5767

Musings, random and otherwise

By Jeff Jacoby

Jeff Jacoby
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http://www.JewishWorldReview.com | He was a man of faith who didn't hesitate to mix religion with politics. He headed an assertive political organization with the word "Christian" in its name. He believed his moral values should be reflected in US law and legally imposed on those who resisted them. He invoked "God Almighty" in his speeches and compared himself to Moses, the prophet Amos, and other biblical heroes. He condemned public policies he opposed in overtly religious terms — as "a blatant denial of the unity which we all have in Christ," for example. He shrugged off those who called him an extremist. "Was not Jesus an extremist?" he asked.

He wasn't one to fetishize church-state separation. "I want it to be known . . . throughout this nation that we are Christian people," he declared. "We believe in the Christian religion. We believe in the teachings of Jesus."

He was what some today might call a religious fanatic, a theocrat, or (as a US senator said of the president last year) a "moral ayatollah." He was, in many circles, decidedly unpopular.

He was also a Nobel laureate for peace and a champion of human dignity. He was an American hero. He was Martin Luther King Jr.

In 1987, the Justice Department's Office of Special Investigations added Austrian president Kurt Waldheim to the "watch list" of persons barred from entering the United States. Neal Sher, who was then the director of OSI, argues that the time has come to put another head of state on the watch list: Mahmoud Ahmadinejad of Iran.

Waldheim was listed because of his wartime role as a Nazi officer in Yugoslavia. Ahmadinejad should go on the list because of his vocal support for terrorism and incitement to genocide against Israel. As Sher notes, US immigration law excludes any alien who uses his position "to endorse or espouse terrorist activity in a way that undermines United States efforts to reduce or eliminate terrorist activities."

As the head of a regime that makes the sponsorship of terrorism a national priority, Ahmadinejad fits that description. Adding him to the list of inadmissible aliens would be largely symbolic. But in a war that is as much about ideology as about military power, the impact of symbols and the messages they communicate must not be overlooked.

Senator Edward Kennedy likes to label Iraq "George Bush's Vietnam," as he did last week when he introduced legislation to give Congress, not the commander-in-chief, the final say on troop levels in Iraq.

Bush played no role in the fall of South Vietnam and Cambodia to the Communists in 1975, of course. But Kennedy did. He helped lead the congressional drive to cut off financial aid to the pro-American governments in Saigon and Phnom Penh, brushing aside President Gerald Ford's warning that "the horror and the tragedy that we see on television" would only grow worse if America deserted its allies.

But Kennedy and the Democrats spurned Ford's request, and the result was unspeakable agony — Cambodia's killing fields, Vietnam's re-education camps, waves of "boat people" hurling themselves into the sea. Having seen the results of US abandonment in Indochina, how can Kennedy advocate the same policy in Iraq?

"If we cease to help our friends in Indochina," Ford said, in words worth recalling today, "we will . . . have been false to ourselves, to our word, and to our friends. No one should think for a moment that we can walk away from that without a deep sense of shame." Ford, a decent man, couldn't imagine deliberately abandoning a friend in dire straits. Kennedy, it would seem, is not so inhibited.

California Senator Barbara Boxer was blasted over remarks she made to Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice during a recent hearing on the Bush administration's war plans. Boxer suggested that Rice, as an unmarried, childless woman, cannot understand the steep price paid by military families.

"You're not going to pay a particular price, as I understand it, with an immediate family," Boxer said.

That triggered an outbreak of dudgeon, earning the senator a spanking from the New York Post ("a shocking Democratic attack"), Rush Limbaugh ("a rich white chick . . . trying to lynch an African-American woman"), and presidential spokesman Tony Snow ("outrageous . . . great leap backward for feminism").

Unfair! Boxer's argument may have been inane — having a son or husband of military age isn't a prerequisite for supporting military action — but she wasn't insulting Rice, as the full context of her remark makes clear:

"Who pays the price? I'm not going to pay a personal price. My kids are too old and my grandchild is too young. You're not going to pay a particular price, as I understand it, with an immediate family. So who pays the price? The American military and their families."

Boxer has many sins to expiate, but a gratuitous insult of Rice isn't among them. I don't come close to sharing the left-wing senator's politics, but this charge is a bum rap.

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