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Jewish World Review
January 4, 2010
/ 17 Teves 5770
And justice for all
In 2009, America lost two political leaders whose names won't soon be forgotten. They were two very different men, with very different ideas. They both, at one time, took a run at the presidency. One was a Republican, the other a Democrat. One was lauded for his crusades for social justice. The other, by his life's work, challenged the conventional idea that social justice is the work of the left.
Ted Kennedy and Jack Kemp both died last year. The sitting senator from Massachusetts had an all-day televised funeral and burial. The former New York congressman had a standing-room only send-off at National Cathedral, even if it didn't include all the pomp accorded to the family that comes closest to royalty in the United States.
Live on MSNBC, one of Ted Kennedy's sons hailed him as a "beacon of social justice," a description that is rarely questioned, despite the late senator's insistence that America's laws not defend the most innocent life among us: the lives of unborn babies. At a recent forum at the Heritage Foundation in the nation's capital, Jeff Kemp, Jack's son, who is also president of a group called Stronger Families, helped highlight his own father as a "social-justice conservative."
The fall forum, "Hope, Growth, and Enterprise," sought to take "Social Justice Lessons from the Life of Jack Kemp." The tribute to the former secretary of Housing and Urban Development was meant to be a "challenge" as well for "emerging conservative leaders" who are "interested in tackling poverty and social breakdown," said Jennifer Marshall, director of domestic-policy studies at the Richard and Helen DeVos Center for Religion and Civil Society at Heritage. "As Jack Kemp's example reminds us," she explained, "social justice begins at the ground level where relationships foster the personal dignity and responsibility that lead to opportunity."
Think tanks are famous for declaring, as Richard Weaver did, that "ideas have consequences." But politics has to be directed toward "get(ting) them into action to help people" which, Jeff Kemp said, was the whole point of his father's political career.
Jack Kemp believed that the idea of the welfare state as the final chapter of the civil-rights movement was an untruth. He believed free enterprise, including enterprise zones in the inner cities rather than government handouts, was the key to freedom. And he found the inner city agreed. He believed in the principle of subsidiary, a tenet of Catholic social thought that teaches: "a community of a higher order should not interfere in the internal life of a community of a lower order." For Kemp, his heralding of free enterprise was about helping people to "meet their dreams," to "be whatever G0d called them to be."
Again, in the younger Kemp's words, his father believed that "Labor and capital are the same person in different stages in life. They are not against one another."
Jeff Kemp recalled that his father believed, when approaching a campaign or a political battle, that "people were never the opponent. It was the ideas."
And so right now the world may consider social justice a monopoly of the left. But it's not. This was not the first and won't be the last confab on the right framed around the notion that "Social Justice Is Not What You Think It Is" (as another event hosted by Jennifer Marshall this past year at the Heritage Foundation was billed). The left's dominance over justice issues is a contention that deserves to be challenged.
And the challenge has been laid down. It even has a Web site, restoringsocialjustice.com, organized by the Heritage Foundation, and featuring a broad list of contributing organizations, where one can read: "We're troubled that four out of 10 children and nearly seven out of 10 black children in America are born to unmarried mothers, a fact that will cast a long shadow down the course of a child's life." They worry that the supposed answers to poverty have turned into an industry with little connection to the people it claims to serve and they're concerned that government has eliminated the essential relationships in the solution-making process.
At the same time, Jeff Kemp warns: "Our ideas seem very principled and pure. But if we treat ourselves as if we have our act together and are the paragons of virtue and everyone can get it because we've got these good ideas, then we've set ourselves above others and no one wants to learn from someone who's setting themselves above others. It's humility that allows your ideas to be transferred."
That was Jack Kemp's approach. It's also what Ronald Reagan did when he attracted so many so-called Reagan Democrats. It's how you win, and not just elections. It's how you change the world.
"The character of a nation is determined by how we treat the least of G0d's children," was a guiding principle by which Kemp operated, as Robert Woodson of the National Center for Neighborhood Enterprise explained during the Kemp forum. That's only right.
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